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What about Federal races?
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Note: The article below was written in the
spring of 2006. Since then, the situation has changed somewhat.
However, I prefer to leave this article posted as-is, as a reflection of
how I saw the situation in 2006. I am cnrrently working to
advocate for issues (endorsement by everyone of A Minnesota
Republican State Legislator's Contract with Voters). Based on
a conversation with the head of Minnesota's campaign financing
regulating entity, I have decided not to endorse anyone for any office
this year. However, I reserve the right to reconsider this
position at some future time, based on Constitutional arguments that I
cannot be constrained from both advocating for issues, and endorsing
candidates. -- Bob Carney Jr.
The 2006 article follows:
After Watergate, the Minnesota Republican
party renamed itself the Independent Republican party (IR), to distance
itself from the national party. My own view is
that we are in a similar situation today. A separate article
considers how the Minnesota Republican party is becoming un-Republican.
Below are some bullet points of how the national party has already (in
my view) become almost hopelessly un-Republican.
* A Republican form of government is based on checks and balances.
By contract, the current "Republican" majorities in Congress have almost
totally failed in oversight and deliberation. The Medicare Drug
bill is just one example: it wasn't even available to read until a few
hours before the vote. * A Republican form of
government isn't owned, lock, stock and barrel by special interests.
At the national level, the Republican party is so totally dominated by
special interest money that in my view it is very difficult for
individual Republicans to act independently. *
The executive branch is being run with a level of secrecy that is both
unprecedented, and clearly unconstitutional. Congress has specific
Constitutional oversight functions, among them the power of impeachment.
The late Constitutional scholar Raoul Berger wrote a book called
Executive Privilege: A Constitutional Myth, in which he traces the
history of so-called privilege claims, and finds that, particularly in
the early republic, it was widely accepted that Executive officers had a
Constitutional obligation to provide Congress virtually unlimited access
to any information Congress need to fulfill both legislative and
oversight functions. Here's what James Madison
(Our fourth president) wrote in Federalist 47: |

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The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and
judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and
whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be
pronounced the very definition of tyranny. Were the federal
Constitution, therefore, really chargeable with this accumulation of
power, or with a mixture of powers, having a dangerous tendency to
such an accumulation, no further arguments would be necessary to
inspire a universal reprobation of the system.
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That's some pretty strong language, from someone who was known as a
scholar and a temperate man. Ronald Reagan used to joke about the
founding fathers being "friends of mine." The fact is, the man who
wrote that paragraph above was a friend of George Washington.
He sat right in front of Washington through the Constitutional
convention. |
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What party was he a member of? None at first -- when the Constitution went
into operation there were no political parties. As a party system
began to emerge, Madison emerged as a member of the Republican
Party. George W. Bush claimed in 2000 to be a uniter, not a divider.
That isn't the only one of his claims that hasn't worked out so well. By
contrast, James Madison really was a uniter, not a divider.
By the end of his second term of office, national partisan politics had
essentially dissolved, and we entered a decade of non-partisanship that
historians have called the "era of good feelings." How was this
done?
In my assessment, a major contributing factor was that the
Republicans at that time of Madison's administration were from what I
call the Republican wing of the Republican party. They believed
that the different branches of government have specific roles and
functions. They believed it was important that government be
carried out according to these different roles and functions, and with
respect to the separation of powers. They believed that Congress
should be a deliberative body, and that people who serve in the
Federal Government should be both capable and competent to exercise
independent judgment, and at the same time dedicated to working
cooperatively. That's what the "era of Good Feelings," was all
about. That's how to be a uniter, and not a divider.
How important was it to people from the Republican wing of the
Republican party to have competent men with good independent judgment in
the Cabinet? James Madison is at one time on record as saying that
if the President fired a member of his Cabinet who was qualified to do
the job, that would be grounds for impeaching the president.
Madison didn't want "yes men" and "loyalists," he wanted the best people
available for administering the Federal government.
The problem with Bush is the opposite: as long as you're "loyal," you
won't be fired no matter how much damage you cause.
When the Republican party did split into factions in the 1820's both
factions kept the name Republican as part of their name. Later,
the "Democratic Republicans" shortened their name to the Democrats.
The name Republican was, of course, reclaimed in the 1850's and became
the party of Lincoln. |
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I have no doubt we have some very capable, worthy, qualified Republican
candidates for Federal office in Minnesota. We will pay a cost in
partisanship and division if one or both Houses of Congress is
controlled by Democrats. However, the reality of our present situation
is this: we are in such desperate need for checks and balances at the Federal level
that there must be a strong bias in favor of electing Democrats -- to ensure one
or both houses of Congress will act as a check on Bush. The Republican
controlled Congress has become a rubber stamp. It has failed too
many times to ask the tough questions, to keep the legislative process
open, and to perform the oversight function Congress must perform. I hope that some of our Federal
Republican candidates are elected in the future... just not this year.
Why keep Ramstad in particular? He's moderate, he has significant
seniority, and he's on the Ways and Means Committee. |
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Copyright © 2006 Robert S. Carney
Jr., 4232 Colfax Ave. So., Minneapolis, MN 55409. All rights reserved |
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